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The opinion is expressed that this play 
is written by Th. Day 



A COLLOQUY 



Heartman's Historical Series No. 23 



A COLLOQUY 

i I 

ON 

THE NECESSITY 

OF 

CLERGY IN GOVERNMENT 

WRITTEN ABOUT 1799 



With an Introduction by 
ANSON ELY MORSE 



Fifty copies reprinted from the Original Manuscript 
for Charles F. Heartman 

1917 






Number of 50 copies printed 

on Fabriano hand-made paper. 

Also six copies printed on Japan Vel- 
lum. 



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INTRODUCTION 

This "Colloquy on the Necessity of Clergy in 
Government" reproduces vividly the passions, 
prejudices and political opinions of the period 
from 1795 until 1815 and after. It was evidently 
written about 1800 by a New Englander of very 
moderate Federalistic beliefs. 

The characters in the Colloquy are three. 
Grenville voices the convictions of that intolerable 
wing of the intolerant "Boston Faction," the 
Essex Junto, which was never noted for sweet 
reasonableness, broad political intelligence, or, 
after 1800, for patriotism. In him Fisher Ames 
and Timothy Pickering at their worst, struggle 
for utterance. While in his antagonist Belmont 
the rabid or foolish sentiments and delusions of 
Thomas Jefferson, Gideon Granger, Abraham 
Bishop or Benjamin Austin are fully exploited 
Lawrence is no less unusual and far from typical 
in his ideas. He presents the viewpoint of an 
extremely liberal and tolerant Federalist. Per- 
sons of such beliefs together with the average 
moderate Federalist were responsible for the fail- 
ure of the disunionist faction of their party to 
carry out its treasonable designs between 1800 
and 1815. 

The title, however, is a misnomer, for there is 
almost nothing in the Colloquy concerning this 
"Necessity of the Clergy in Government." It is 



singular that the clergy are so neglected, for their 
political power in the North at this time was 
extraordinarily great. Passing reference, in- 
deed, is made to the patriotic endeavors of the 
ministers during the Revolution but their in- 
valuable aid in the adoption of the Constitution 
is overlooked, as well as their decisive stand for 
government during the critical times just after 
the Revolution and during the height of the ex- 
citement caused by the French Revolution. 
Nothing is said of the current conviction that 
good government is founded upon religion and 
that without the latter the former is impossible. 
To a New Englander of that period the vital im- 
portance of the clergy was indisputable. The 
French Revolution was, if any proof were needed, 
incontrovertible evidence. 

Liberalism in religious polity and belief had 
grown slowly in New England during the latter 
half of the Eighteenth Century. After the Rev- 
olution a concerted drive on Congregationalism 
and its alliance with the state was made by the 
various sects of Baptists, Methodists and Uni- 
versalists and in Connecticut by the Episcopalians. 
The Revolution had to a certain extent loosened 
the shackles which in democratic eyes bound the 
people to degrading submission to the clergy. 

It was not until 1795 that Democratic dislike of 
"pulpit drummers" broke out in virulent form. 
The chief cause was the complete change in the 
attitude of the clergy toward the French Revolu- 
tion. At first they admired, then distrusted and 
finally openly denounced and vehemently attacked 



8 



France and its adherents in this country who, 
they declared, "ought to be treated as enemies of 
their country." The people were desired to mark 
such and to "let them wear the stigma of reproach 
due to the perfidious betrayers of their country . . . 
Of all traitors, they are the most aggravatedly 
criminal; of all villians, they are the most in- 
famous and detestable." This violent attitude 
was largely due to the conviction that the French 
infidelity was a real and growing menace to both 
religion and good government; that the American 
people were being lead astray partly by their 
excessive and unbounded enthusiasm for all 
things French and partly by a systematic propa- 
ganda carried on by atheistical missionaries and 
"by the importation of pamphlets and pocket 
volumes for the common people and histories and 
encyclopedias for the learned." It was affirmed 
as a result that "multitudes had turned downright 
deists." However extravagant this statement may 
be the circulation of Paine' s Age of Reason — in at 
least eight American editions before 1796 — of 
Ethan Allen's Oracles of Reason and other books 
of similar import indicate a wide-spread interest 
among the laity which greatly scandalized the 
clergy. The anxiety of the godly turned into 
panic with the widely trumpeted discovery in 
1798 of a "plot" by the Illuminanti to destroy 
religion. The clergy greatly disturbed before 
were now thoroughly aroused. They echoed the 
sentiments of the Rev. Mr. Dana of Newburyport, 
who declared in a sermon that their political and 
religious interests did not have in the American 



Revolution that "close and indissoluble connec- 
tion" which they now possess. "Shall those then," 
he asked, "who are set for the defense of the 
Gospel, .basely desert their posts?" On the con- 
trary his people could rest assured that their 
pastor's "efforts, however feeble, shall not be 
wanting to the cause of his threatened and suffer- 
ing country." 

How this dangerous irreligious influence from 
abroad was looked upon is well illustrated by an 
extract from a famous sermon preached by Pres- 
ident Dwight of Yale. "For what end," he de- 
manded, "shall we be connected with the French. , 
is it that our churches may become the temples of 
reason, our Sabbath a decade, that we may change 
our holy worship into a dance of Jacobin phrenzy, 
and that we may behold a strumphet personating 
a Goddess on the altar of Jehovah? Shall our 
sons become the disciples of Voltaire ... or our 
daughters the concubines of the Illuminanti ?" 

Among the "wise and virtuous" the Democrats 
were regarded as dangerous enemies to both 
church and state. When, as not infrequently 
happened, pointed remarks in church displeased 
the Democrats, they would rise and stalk out. On 
one such occasion a well known divine paused in 
his sermon to remark to his remaining parishion- 
ers that he was pleased to find he possessed one of 
the apostolic gifts namely the power of casting 
out devils. This viewpoint was not unusual. 
When the War of 1812 was declared, the minister 
at Groton, Mass., preached from John 8:44, "Ye 
are of your father, the Devil; and the lusts of 



10 



your father ye will do." The application of the 
text was the likening of President Madison to 
Beelzebub and the members of Congress who 
voted for the war to the subordinate devils who 
did his bidding. As late as 1816 the Hartford 
Courant, the leading paper of Connecticut, as- 
serted "It is true that we can scarce converse with 
a Democrat — can hardly look upon a Democratic 
newspaper but we are offended with some polit- 
ical, religious or moral abomination." Jefferson 
commonly likened to Jereboam by the pious in 
New England, a man of peace and caution, who 
fought usually from a safe distance, threw prud- 
ence aside and raged, regardless of consequences, 
if he saw a chance to smite the New England 
clergy. 

The Democrats did not receive these verbal 
chastisements with meekness or penitential 
humility. Loudly they reviled these clerical 
meddlers and worked industriously to overthrow 
their influence and undermine their authority. 
The National Aegis, a paper founded at Worcester 
by Jefferson's postmaster-general declared in 
1802 that the clergy "forgetful of primitive pur- 
ity, .have by calumnies, misrepresentations and 
baseness, with a turpitude of heart, black and 
gangrened, been laboring to . . . sink to scorn and 
execration a faithful and virtuous administra- 
tion." This is far more severe than the usual 
mild attack upon the clergy in New England. 
The Democratic papers outside of New England 
were not deterred by piety, prudence or pro- 
priety. 



11 



This play is both valuable and interesting as 
it pictures the storm and passions of a time when 
bitter partizanship divided the country into 
parties whose policies and predilections were more 
alien than American. 

Anson Ely Morse. 
Amherst, Mass., 

March 20, 1917. 



12 



CHARACTERS 

GRENVILLE a Monarchist 

BELMONT a Democrat 

LAWRENCE a Federalist 



A COLLOQUY ON CLERGY 
IN GOVERNMENT 

ENTER BELMONT AND GRENVILLE 

Grenville 

Mr. Belmont, having lately paid some attention 
to the political situation of our country, I confess 
that to me its prospects appear gloomy and por- 
tentious. I have not the most distant idea that 
our present government will ever be established 
on solid foundations; and candor obliges me to 
acknowledge my indifference to its existence. 
Experience though very short has yet been 
sufficiently long to discover many radical defects 
in the federal constitution and I firmly believe 
that if these defects are not soon remedied 
anarchy will soon usurp the place of government 
and reign triumphant. 

Belmont 

I too, Mr. Grenville, have had my doubts with 
respect to the permanency of the federal consti- 
tution, but whether it remains permanent or not, 
in either case I feel equally secure; because after 
the ensuing election which I am confident will 
redound to the everlasting honor of the victorious 
"friends of liberty," the patriotic character then 
at the helm will preserve in their native purity the 
principles of liberty, and after the completion of 
another census, I shall be under no apprehensions 



15 



for the success of Republicanism, because the pop- 
ulation in the middle and southern states has in- 
creased much more in proportion than that in 
New England ; of course we may confidently calcu- 
late on a majority of Republicans in the succeed- 
ing congress. This being the fact, no danger 
need be apprehended from the energetic part of 
our present aristocratic constitution. But should 
the constitution be subverted another would 
spring up from the ashes perfectly free in its 
principles and completely destitute of "British" 
doctrines. 

Grenville 

I regret, Belmont, that our opinions are so 
diametrically opposite. That sentiments so di- 
rectly hostile to the very existence of civil so- 
ciety should be espoused by you is not only aston- 
ishing but perfectly inexplicable. {The very in- 
stant) Whenever those sentiments gain general 
ground the happiness of America is at an end ; to 
prevent their spread and to counteract their 
dreadful consequences demands the unremitted 
exertions of every friend to his country. 'Tis im- 
possible for me to conceive how you can wish for a 
government more free than our present one; for 
my part it has been my prevailing opinion for 
three years past that the American people enjoy 
too much freedom ; the licentiousness of the pub- 
lic papers amounts to a complete demonstration 
of the fact, and I sincerely believe, the happiness 
of the United States will never be secure, 'til a 
government more firm and energetic is estab- 
lished. 

16 



Belmont 

Pray, Sir, what are your reasons for entertain- 
ing so despicable an opinion as this? Should it 
become general (in any extensive degree) mon- 
archy must be the consequence. 

Grenville 

I will tell you, Sir; the ignorance of the people 
is great, and their disposition to embrace the 
means of knowledge is weak and languid. The 
human passions are excessively fiery and im- 
petuous; the consequences of this general state 
of things, together with the want of fin'd habits 
and an uniform national character are not only 
incompatible with the perpetuation of a govern- 
ment of persuasion over the whole United States, 
but insuperable barriers to its existence for any 
length of time. 

Belmont 

This is the first time I ever heard the people 
who have been emphatically stil'd an "impartial 
and enlightened tribunal" branded with the op- 
probrious and disgraceful epithet "ignorant"; 
What! Are the independent freemen of America 
before whom in point of knowledge the world 
shrinks back and dreads a comparison to be re- 
proached for their ignorance? 

Grenville 

Ever since the Revolution the "good sense" and 
highly "enlightened" situation of "the people" 
have been the favorite topic of orations and de- 

17 



clamations from one end of the continent to the 
other; yet this same "enlightened tribunal" have 
exhibited to the world their superlatively pro- 
found "good sense" by electing to a seat in con- 
gress the gentleman who first had the honor of 
being convicted and punish'd for sedition: They 
have patronis'd the "scape gallowses" of Europe ; 
have thought it a duty not only to resist but also 
to excite insurrection against the government 
chosen by themselves and to clamor against taxes 
which vv^ere the unavoidable consequences of their 
disorganizing and iniquitous conduct and in addi- 
tion to all this, bribery has elevated to high offices 
many a villain. If these facts and a general 
diffusion of knowledge throughout the nation are 
not incompatible, I'll give up the question. 

Belmont 

Two-thirds of what you say, Grenville, is 
nothing but an infamous, vile, aristocratical fab- 
rication. Tories and Monarchists are constantly 
dressing up some scarecrows to prejudice the peo- 
ple against Republicanism and frighten them into 
despotism. 

Grenville 

All that I have said is fact (and for the truth 
of it I appeal to everyone present) and in conse- 
quence of this conduct our country is on the very 
brink of anarchy and civil war. 

Belmont 
On the brink of anarchy and civil war ! There's 



18 



no kind of foundation for the supposition ; it is a 
mere monarchical bugbear, and if you'll trace it 
up to its source, I'll venture my life you'll find it 
to be the fabrication of some superstitious bigoted 
old "priest": The "priests" (particularly those 
of Connecticut) have been celebrated for their 
ingenious fabrications, and within a few years 
their industry has (inundated this country with 
* * * lies about ghosts, witches and illumi- 
natical Hobgoblins) thrown into circulation thou- 
sands of lies, by which means the country is inun- 
dated with stories of ghosts, witches and Illumi- 
natical Hobgoblins. 

Grenville 

This, Belmont, is nothing less than the most 
wilful misrepresentation, and the very circum- 
stance that half America believes such notorious 
falsehood proves incontrovertibly their wretched 
and profound ignorance. 

Belmont 

I have no doubt, Sir, of the fact, for in addition 
to newspaper paragraphs, fast day sermons and 
other demonstrative evidence of the fact, we have 
the testimony of the ingenious, the poetical and 
the philosophical Barlow, of him who has nobly 
dar'd in opposition to the bigoted and inquisitorial 
prejudices of his countrymen, to throw off the 
shackles of superstition and priestcraft and assert 
the genuine right of men and conscience. 

Grenville 
I am perfectly willing to allow the testimony 
19 



of (Joel) sic Barlow its full weight; {for out of 
the two thousand five hundred who have received 
their education at this college, mamj have been a 
disgrace both to themselves and this institution, 
yet among that numerous body, no name of which 
I have heard has so many legal 'pretensions to the 
title of "infamous" as that of Joel Barlow; at the 
very thought of him Hypocrecy blushes. He 
has dar'd to curse that religion by proclaiming 
ivhich he once eani'd his bread! Disappointed 
in his expectations of office he has vilified the 
characters whom for the sake of promotion he 
once extolVd to heaven! Connecticut blushes 
when compelVd to acknoivledge her apostate son; 
and Yalensia weeps for having nourish'd with 
her milk so despicable a monster. From such 
characters as this, Belmont, you derive ij our irb- 
formation) but I can inform you from the best 
authority {that disdains a comparison with 
yours) that the country is in imminent danger 
of civil commotions, and in my opinion nothing 
can prevent them but a more energetic govern- 
ment. 

Belmont 
In the year Ninety-eight I was alarm'd for 
the safety of liberty, but the ground for alarm is 
now gone ; I then thought that aristocracy would 
gain the victory: Soon did I then expect to see 
John Adams roll'd on the "wheels of splendor" 
over the mangled corpses of his political oppon- 
ents and his chariot wheels dripping with the 
sacred blood of Republicans : But thank God ! the 



20 



vigorous exertions of the Republican party have 
defeated and baffled his treasonable machinations : 
The Ides of March will soon give him leisure to 
revise his defense of monarchy, and with rapture 
I anticipate the prostration of aristocratic obstin- 
acv before the sacred and divine goddess of Re- 
publicanism : Then will a pure Democratical con- 
stitution being firmly establish'd on the ruins 
and complete degradation of aristocracy defy the 
malignant efforts of Monarchists, old tories and 
the British faction! 

Grenville 

That there should be difference of opinion on 
political subjects is ever to be expected and to 
condemn a man for his opinions when form'd on 
solid grounds and after mature deliberation is 
perhaps uncharitable, if not unjust; But when 
passionate invection is substituted for calm dis- 
cussion, when the darts of calumny are level'd at 
the most virtuous characters in existence, and 
when an agonizing state of jealousy and uncer- 
tainty usurps the place of confidence and security, 
I confess I am sick of the liberty which origi- 
nates and tolerates such a state of things, and 
'though under the auspices of our present form 
of government the country has made astonishing 
progress in arts, sciences and commerce, and 
though her population and resources have in- 
creas'd with unexampled rapidity, yet the confu- 
sion, the clamor and the tumult have been so 
great, the opposition to every measure of govern- 
ment has been so extensive, I confess I see no pros- 



21 



pect of a peaceable state of things, I therefore ar- 
dently wish and most devoutly pray for a strong 
government, a government sufficiently powerful to 
crush all opposition to the will of the nation. 

Belmont 

That a man of your respectability, Grenville, 
whom I have ever suppos'd to be warmly at- 
tached to the principles of Republicanism should 
now veer about and advance sentiments directly 
in the teeth of freedom and which tend to the 
establishment of complete despotism is truly as- 
tonishing: But notwithstanding your seeming 
warmth, Grenville, I can't yet believe that you 
speak your real sentiments. You are only ridi- 
culing ironically the bugbears of the British fac- 
tions. 

Grenville 

I utter the genuine sentiments of my heart, 
and will give you my reasons for entertaining 
them. I confess that I was once a dupe to the 
theoretical nonsense of certain Democratical vis- 
ionaries, but experience has taught me that the 
picture of democracy is not a true resemblance 
of the original, and that while she resembles the 
"painted prostitute" and "whited sepulchre" 
without, she is full of filthiness and "dead men's 
bones" within. The Licentious Goddess coquet- 
tish in her disposition, employs her dupes for her 
painters, and conscious of her native deformity 
appears portray'd like the "votary of Venus" in 
splendid garments. No wonder then that I young 



22 



and inexperienc'd, should form prepositions in her 
favor from the false representations of her delud- 
ed followers: but I apprehend my delusion will 
appear less culpable, when it is considered that 
my ideas were in union with those of my superiors 
in age and wisdom. I had seen three millions of 
virtuous freemen actuated by a noble zeal in de- 
fense of liberty, after having broken the fetters 
of despotism, form and adopt with little conten- 
tion, comparatively speaking, a constitution which 
being an improvement upon all previous systems 
was for some time the wonder and admiration of 
the world. 

Although I thought the instrument recognis'd 
too many "English" principles, and that some of 
its most energetic parts were not perfectly com- 
patible with the rights of the "genuine sons of 
liberty" yet its adoption fill'd me with enthu- 
siasm: My own vanity arising from the circum- 
stance that I was a native of America, contributed 
no doubt to render more vivid the colours of the 
picture: I then consider'd the prospects of this 
country uncommonly bright and cheering; I 
thought the floodgates of happiness were thrown 
open and a boundless torrent of felicity rushing 
in upon my country! (Methinks) Methought I 
then saw Columbia like the rising sun ascending 
with superior and increasing brilliancy to the 
zenith of national happiness and glory ! Even the 
words "United States of America" possess'd a 
charm that came home to my heart with irresist- 
ible energy, and excited in my breast the most 
pleasing and agreeable emotions. My imagination 
depicted them as a "band of brothers" firmly unit- 



23 



ed not only by the circumstance of their having 
march'd in company to the combat, but by the 
more powerful ties of consanguinity and the fed- 
eral compact. In anticipation I saw them, at 
home free from party spirit and faction, reverenc- 
ing their rulers, strictly obeying laws enacted by 
themselves, shutting up the avenues of foreign in- 
fluence and firmly united in support of laws de- 
clar'd constitutional by the judiciary and a 
majority of the nation: — abroad respected and 
(dreaded) feared by all. Young and ardent, I 
already saw my country avenging herself on the 
haughty despots who had ignominiously attempt- 
ed to crush her in her cradle ; Kings were trembl- 
ing! thrones were tottering! and the power of 
monarchs crumbling to dust before the American 
trident! In short. Sir, if luxuriant harvests had 
sprung up spontaneously from the "sacred soil of 
liberty," and in fact, if the air had become nectar 
and ambrosia, under the influence of the federal 
constitution, I should not have been astonish'd. 
This is a faint picture of my anticipations, but 
so far from being realized it has prov'd diametri- 
cally opposite to the real state of facts. Although 
the philanthropist had reason to think that liberty 
had found a retreat and that American happiness 
was based on (rocky) a foundation (s) (and) of 
rock though the country has in fact made aston- 
ishing improvements, and notwithstanding the 
circumstance that if united she might safely mock 
the efforts of the universe, (after the lapse of only 
thii'teen years) v/e find this same prolific land of 
liberty torn by parties! Faction has rear'd her 
disorganizing head ! corruption in our elections is 



24 



openly and unblushingly practis'd! The presses 
from Florida to New Brunswick unceasingly teem 
with the most deadly and inveterate calumny 
against the officers of government. Volumes of 
appeals to the passions of the people and folios of 
lies are weekly and industriously circulated 
through every corner of the country. A plan has 
been systematis'd and brought into operation not 
only to circulate, but also to perpetuate to distant 
posterity the disgraceful licentiousness of the 
present day ! Foreigners who have fled from the 
gibbet in their own country have not been the 
least industrious in fabricating and propagating 
calumny ! Two of the states have manif est'd the 
most finish'd detestation of the federal govern- 
ment, and have openly avow'd against it senti- 
ments of the most deadly hostility. An officer 
{of) under the constitution has had the hardihood 
to call on his fellow citizens to resist the "tyran- 
ny" of the federal government; and to add one 
more circumstance of degradation the power of 
the government is inadequate to the prevention 
of sedition : If the "sea of liberty" is to continue 
thus "tempestuous," May God grant us "the calm" 
at least of a limited monarchy. 

Belmont 

(My God!) Can it be that you who in conversa- 
tion with me, have so open extolFd the characters 
of those undaunted and patriotic heroes who 
gloriously effected our emancipation from the 
chains of a foreign despot, can it be, I say that 
you are now for crushing our liberties and sur- 



25 



rendering them into the hands of a domestic (one) 
tyrant? Can it possibly be that you wish to see 
trampled under foot the freedom of your country? 
and is that maxim of tyrants that "Republican 
governments cannot be perpetuated" to be veri- 
fied under our meridian? 

Grenville 

If you think my sentiments favorable to des- 
potism you very much misconceive them. It is 
beyond your power to point out a single syllable 
of mine which conveys that idea. A Limited 
Monarchy is the kind of government I have in 
mind when I speak of a strong government. The 
people of this country at the formation of the con- 
stitution having previously suffered exceed- 
ingly from the oppression of the British, and hav- 
ing but just emancipated themselves from their 
tyranny were very (excessively) jealous of every- 
thing British, and of course were exceedingly cau- 
tious of admitting principles of government recog- 
nis'd by the English. Owing to this very strong 
prejudice, they unfortunately omitted in their 
constitution some principles of the highest and 
most extensive importance the want of which has 
been fully elucidated by experience. These I wish 
to see admitted into our constitution, because, I 
believe them absolutely requisite to the perpetua- 
tion of American happiness. 

Belmont 

Grenville, the sole object of your arguments is 
to bring us back into the arms of England. They 



26 



are the arguments of the whole Anglo-monarchic 
aristocratic junta. But sooner than go back to 
the tyranny of that imperious nation may earth- 
quakes and volcanoes bury in undistinguish'd 
ruin the whole American continent. 

Grenville 

That you, Belmont, should attribute my attach- 
ment to certain principles admitted by the British 
to a predilection for that nation does not appear 
at all extraordinary; 'Tis perfectly consonant to 
your usual want of candour; But, Sir (despising 
the provei'h "Can a good thing come out of 
Nazareth? and) reflecting that a fountain not 
totally corrupt may produce some pure water, 
I choose to select what is good from whatever 
source it may come. I am far, very far, from 
wishing to invest any or all branches of govern- 
ment with unlimited power — On the contrary it 
is my desire that the provinces of the legislative, 
executive and judicial authorities be kept sepa- 
rate, that a limited constitution be preserv'd and 
that the powers of each department be {limited) 
enclos'd by strong (barriers) fences: Yet (at the 
same time) the experience of only thirteen years 
has amply evinc'd that the field of legislation is 
in some respects too small, and that the powers 
of the executive on which the strength of gov- 
ernments principally depend are few and too 
feeble, it is therefore my desire to extend the 
limits of the ground on which they act but at the 
same time to enclose that ground with adaman- 
tine barriers. 



27 



Belmont 

{For my part I cannot) 'Tis impossible for me 
to conceive how {it is possible for) you {to) can 
be so completely blinded, so {wound up) envelop'd 
in your prejudice in favor of tyranny: For my 
part I have {had) experienced quite {enough) a 
sufficiency of it under our present constitution 
and how you can wish for more is perfectly as- 
tonishing. The aristocrats have more than once 
{exceeded their constitutional limits though which 
were already quite too extensive and have there- 
by) made encroachments on our liberties by ex- 
ceeding their constitutional limits which of them- 
selves were quite too extensive. The precedent 
of constitutional transgression is establish'd and 
threatens with furious impetuosity to bear away 
our freedom! But thanks to the industry of 
"Republicans" there is now a prospect of better 
times : Soon will the constitution which has been 
characterise as a "lilliputian tie" become a 
"lilliputian tie" indeed — It must fall a sacrifice 
to freedom. Then from its ashes will spring up 
a system of principles consistent with the "gen- 
uine rights of freemen." 

Grenville 

Pray, Sir, what kind of system would that be? 
What kind of constitution do you want? 

Belmont 

I want one completely destitute of those non- 
sensical aristocratic checks and balances which 
serve only to clog the operations of government: 



28 



Instead of one which speaks only of the rights 
of rulers and tyrants, I want one which recog- 
nises not only the rights but the power of the 
"sovereign people" — one similar to the old con- 
federation or to some of those constitutions which 
were form'd for the French republic between the 
downfall of Monarchy and the establishment of 
consular despotism. 

Grenville 

You could not have produc'd an example which 
tends more directly to (establish the truth of) 
corroborate my opinion. Those constitutions 
were {certainly the most) beautiful theories {the 
world has ever seen) ; but they were no more fit 
for the government of that nation than ships of 
paper for the purpose of merchandise. Though 
every part of a constitution should be deem.'d 
sacred and inviolable, yet the fickleness, the licen- 
tiousness and the ignorance of that people were 
so great that their rulers (ivere necessitated) 
thought it necessary to transgress their constitu- 
tional limits and in consequence of that trans- 
gression have exercis'd a tyranny unparallell'd 
in the annals of despotism; and 'tis remarkable 
that ever since the abolition of monarchy at which 
time a very democratical constitution was adopt- 
ed, they have been verging back through a series 
of stronger and stronger constitutions to their 
ancient despotism, and they now have (now) a 
government, which on account of its energy bids 
fair to be permanent, (Lawrence enters) 
and under the influence of which (General) 
Bounaparte has been able to restore a general 



29 



tranquility to the nation and in the space of only 
two months to shake to its foundations the throne 
of the German Emperor ! If you wish for another 
example, I will produce that of Great Britain, 
Her government is by no means so concentrated 
as that of France ; Yet under its auspices she has 
carried the arts and sciences to a very high de- 
gree of perfection, has render'd her soil [which 
by nature is (poor) not above mediocrity] produc- 
tive of everything necessary for the happiness of 
man, and at the same time has (preserv'd) at- 
tained the first rank among nations. The (force- 
able) powerful government of that country places 
her in a proud situation. She has long been and 
still continues the mistress of the ocean, and while 
the independence of other nations has been tram- 
pled under foot, she has stood firm amid the con- 
vulsions of falling empires, the only European ref- 
uge of arts, sciences and everything that dignifies 
human nature. 

Belmont 

Lawrence! (is not) Does it not excite your 
warmest indignation (excited when you) to hear 
an American so warmly advocating the interest 
of the British? To my unspeakable regret & 
mortification I find that those (God like) gen- 
erous sentiments which once actuated the breast 
of Grenville and prompted him to resist the 
aggressions of tyranny have quitted their ancient 
residence: He who once pray'd for the success 
of republicanism now advcates the cause of 
desDotism! To me Sir 'tis astonishing that a 



30 



man of common sense should attempt to defend 
even the stronger principles recognis'd by our 
constitution, much (less) more those of monar- 
chy; but however surprising, it is but too true; 
the spirit of liberty {is entirely extinguish' d) 
throughout New England is completely extin- 
quish'd; the whole body of the Yankees with a 
very few exceptions, are bound down by the chains 
of superstition and priestcraft, and to their ever- 
lasting dishonor they are using no means to effect 
their emancipation: and I confess my surprise 
would not be great, if in one year from this time 
they should be legislating concerning the estab- 
lishment of an inquisition: All this rascality 
originates in the hypocritical brains of those 
"black coated" bigots with whom this country is 
inundated. This disgraceful torpor has not yet 
gain'd extensive ground in the other states, but 
to prevent it the most vigorous exertions are nec- 
essary. If we do not preserve alive the sacred 
flame of liberty fire & fagot will soon assume 
sovereign & universal dominion. 

Grenville 

Lawrence, you perceive by Belmont's conversa- 
tion the amazing extent of his prejudices. He 
has express'd the utmost venom against religion, 
& during the course of our conversation he has 
reproach'd for its aristocratical principles that 
constitution which does not possess sufficient 
energy for its own protection. This, Lawrence, 
has been the uniform language of all the op- 
posers of the present administration. "Federal 
villainy and ecclesiastical imposture" have been 



31 



the darling themes of every disorganizer from 
Phillip Freneau down to James Lyon: Do you 
suppose Sir that the peacable & industrious 
Yankees can sit still and look in silence on such 
infamous conduct? Ever since the adoption of 
the federal constitution these wretches with un- 
ceasing industry have been attempting its over- 
throw: My wishes are but the consequences of 
their conduct; though I have been an ardent 
friend to the constitution & have ever felt myself 
much interested in its preservation yet when its 
energy is not sufficient to punish the traiterous 
disorganizers who have been alienating the affec- 
tions of the people from the administration & 
who have calumniated the most God-like charac- 
ters under heaven & when in fact nothing is 
sufficiently sacred to escape the most deadly in- 
vective I confess I wish for a change I wish for a 
government sufficiently energetic to crush the 
head of faction & trample into the dust these dis- 
organising wretches. 

Lawrefice 

Since gentlemen you have severally appeal'd 
to me as the arbiter of your dispute & since I 
am well acquainted with your favourite senti- 
ments I will freely suggest my own. Although 
I believe gentlemen that you both love your 
country you will pardon me for saying that you 
both proceed too far in your favorite schemes. 
You Mr. Belmont are a disciple in the modern 
school of republicanism. You are an enthusiast 
for the rights of the people & for the exclu- 
sive utility of a pure democracy. Permit me Sir 

32 



to say that your scheme is totally impracticable & 
will ever be so as long as mankind sustain their 
present character. In proportion as a govern- 
ment is destitute of physical power, it must de- 
pend upon public opinion. Unless the public 
opinion is enlightened by information & directed 
by virtue, how can it discriminate between good 
and bad measure? & what motive will induce 
it to reject the one & embrace the other? Yet 
you will acknowledge that this intelligence in dis- 
criminating and this virtue in choosing are the 
pillars of republicanism. Remove them and the 
fabric tumbles to the ground. Where then Sir 
are the nations thus enlighten'd & thus virtu- 
ous? 

The American nation have probably approx- 
imated nearer to this ideal perfection than any 
nation ever did; But Sir cast your eyes over 
Asia and Africa and you won't find a single spot 
of earth where your republican ideas will thrive ; 
they be blasted in the very germ and dwindle 
into nothing. In Europe the case is not much 
better. Switzerland and Britain are almost the 
only countries which exhibit any semblance of 
national intelligence & virtue; The first of these 
has drunk so deep of the bitter cup of modem 
republicanism that she has fallen perhaps never 
to rise more; and Britain has been compell'd to 
assume an attitude so warlike & to strenghten the 
sinews of her government in so extraordinary 
a manner that it will be long before she will listen 
to the charm. In our own country then must the 
experiment be made, if it is made at all. But even 
here Sir it is my decided opinion that a greater 



33 



degree of liberty cannot exist without licentious- 
ness. No honest man in the United States feels 
himself at all restrained in his liberty : We attend 
to our business in perfect security and enjoy the 
protection of the laws; What greater degree of 
freedom can be desired? Anything more would 
certainly impair our personal security & create 
the very evil which you wish to avoid. You have 
said Sir that the stronger principles of our con- 
stitution are indefensible. Was not the present 
constitution framed to supply the deficiences of 
the old confederation?* That confederation like 
a crazy building shook with every blast & 
threatened to crush with its fall those whom it 
was rais'd to protect: Will you then revile this 
constitution for the very excellence of which the 
other was destitute? The frequent elections of 
our legislative and executive officers & their 
ultimate dependence upon the people give us the 
most perfect security against their encroach- 
ments. We who made can unmake them and re- 
duce them at the exporation of their respective 
periods to the level of citizens. If our constitution 
possess'd less energy it would grow v/eaker & 
weaker from constant attacks & at length expire 
from mere debility. The New England states Sir 
have been characterise by you as the subjects of 
priestcraft, political delusion & lethargic torpor. 
I must be allow'd to say Sir that the veiy intelli- 
gence &, virtue which I have before mentioned as 
the sole supports of republicanism have produc'd 
in New England that dignified calmness which 
you are pleas'd to style torpor. A very great ma- 
jority of the people of New England are so en- 



34 



lighten'd as to perceive that the constitution and 
administration of our country are in general the 
best which human wisdom can devise & they 
are therefore resolv'd to support them to the last. 
The people of New England repel with manly in- 
dignation the charge of delusion and ignorance 
& you must pardon me Sir for expressing upon 
this subject that warmth which as a New Eng- 
lander I shall ever feel when my countrymen are 
thus wantonly insulted. 

Grenville 

But Mr. Belmont you will certainly concede 
that the design of government is to promote 
the happiness of society and experience proves 
that happiness cannot exist without government; 
of course the existence of happiness depends on 
the permanency of government. Hence I argue 
that every government should be invested with 
powers adequate to its own protection; other- 
wise the end for which government was originally 
instituted cannot be answered. Now experience 
plainly tells us that our federal government is not 
sufficiently energetic for its own preservation. 
The consummate abilities of some of the greatest 
statesmen the world ever saw have but just 
rescued from the jaws of death our present form 
of government: Notwithstanding the utmost 
stretch of their wisdom it is on the brink of the 
precipice & anarchy threatens to show her head : 
What then but total destruction can we expect 
from the exertions of characters less unexception- 
able? Hence I deduce the necessity of establish- 
ing a form of government containing within itself 



35 



energy adequate to its preservation, & that form 
must be a limited monarchy. 

Lawre7ice 

Mr. Grenville I perfectly agree with you in 
the general principles which you lay down but 
in your application of them to this country you 
are unquestionably wrong. The Federal Con- 
stitution with a few exceptions appears to me 
to be the very best which human wisdom can de- 
vise for a country like ours. I do not say that it 
would be the best for all other countries. Differ- 
ent states of society require different forms of 
government, just as the various magnitudes and 
proportions of human bodies demand correspond- 
ing magnitudes & proportions in the clothing by 
which they are covered. You think our constitu- 
tion deficient in energy: But Sir in what has 
this deficiency appear'd? The government has 
crush'd without bloodshed two alarming insurrec- 
tions, it has extinguish'd a formidable Indian war 
& still keeps those restless nations in awe by the 
warlike attitude of our frontiers. It has rais'd 
almost by magic a respectable navy which has 
afforded efficient protection to our commerce. The 
American cannon are at this moment riding on 
the seas of Europe & the waters of both the In- 
dies. By the assumption of the debts contracted 
during the late war public credit is establish'd 
Sir at this moment superior to that of any other 
nation. An efficient system of revenue is found — 
such a system of internal regulations has been 
adopted as has produc'd an unexampl'd degree of 

36 



happiness throughout the nation — Our commerce 
is commensurate with the glob^ & notwithstand- 
ing our multiplied hopes from practical depreda- 
tions every newspaper is fill'd with accounts of 
arrivals from all parts of the world. Our most 
retir'd forests on the banks of the Mississippi, the 
Ohio & the lakes begin to resound with the in- 
struments of cultivation, & our whole country 
in her cities, towns, villages, hamlets & farms 
exhibits incontestible proofs of prosperity and 
happiness: Such facts Mr. Grenville evince to 
(every) my mind beyond all controversy the op- 
erations of an efficient & equitable government. 

Gt'enville 

But notwithstanding this Mr. Lawrence, the 
administration has been uniformly condemn'd. 
Invective has been the order of the day: No 
virtuous & dignified character who has had any 
share in the government, not even Washington 
has been able to escape the shafts of calumny; 
in addition to this in some parts of the United 
States, a large portion of the people are disgrace- 
fully ignorant; They are extremely backward to 
avail themselves of the means of knowledge. This 
want of information is not compatible with the 
existence of a free government & can be ren- 
dered tolerable only under a limited monarchy. 
(exhibited) (villages) (villages) (hamlets and 
farms. ) 

Lawrence 

I lament Sir as much as any man the party 
dissensions which prevail in our country & the 



37 



universal calumny of which you so justly com- 
plain. But as the present rancour of party 
spirit deriv'd its origin from the peculiar state 
of the European World I entertain the hope that 
the fever will before long subside at least in such 
a degree that it will become tolerable. Calumny 
is the legitimate offspring of parties; If there- 
fore there is any ground to hope for the mitigation 
of party spirit there is the same ground to hope 
for the cessation of calumny. But Sir freedom of 
enquiry will always produce variety of opinion 
& those who adopt similar sentiments will al- 
v/ays unite until they have f orm'd a party. These 
parties ever have existed under free governments 
& ever will exist. Party spirit is the price of 
liberty & calumny is the price of distinguish'd 
stations & talents. The most that can be ex- 
pected in any human society is that the majority 
will rally round the standard of order & good 
government. Such has hitherto been the fact in 
our country & I trust it will continue to be. I 
acknowledge that ignorance & licentiousness are 
prevalent in some parts of the union to an alarm- 
ing degree but the national character in this re- 
spect is improving & I trust that even now there 
is so much intelligence and virtue in the great 
body of the people that they will still support the 
government of their choice in opposition to every 
party. 

But Mr. (Belmont) Grenville I cannot without 
the deepest concern hear you advocate the estab- 
lishment of a monarchy in this country. I am a 
federalist and my sentiments are in unison with 
those of the majority of the people of Nev/ Eng- 



38 



land & I solemnly declare to you that I will ever 
oppose as far as my influence extends the propa- 
gation of this idea. The people of America Sir 
are too enlightened & too virtuous either to 
need or submit to a monarchy. I repeat 
the sentiment Sir that we have a constitution per- 
fectly graduated to our state of society. If it was 
more free in any extensive degree it would go to 
destruction — If it was more monarchical it would 
infringe the liberties of the people. In its present 
form I consider it as applied to this country a 
masterpiece of human sagacity. — Mr. Grenville 
since you have spoken so decidedly in favour of 
monarchy I beg your indulgence while I call your 
attention for a few moments to this subject. You 
will acknowledge the English monarchy since the 
conquest to be as fair an exhibition of the effects 
of that form of government as any on which his- 
tory affords. Since that period thirty-four mon- 
archs have sat on the English throne. Of those 
15 comprehending in their reigns a period of 320 
years have been either lawless tyrants trampling 
on all law and right or so lamentably weak that 
the kingdom has fallen into all the anarchy of 
the most dissolute democracy. This period if we 
deduct the duration of the republic comprehends 
nearly half of the whole time since the conquest. 
Of the remaining 19 sovereigns some have pos- 
sess'd the best intentions but without talents suffi- 
cient to insure the happiness of their people. 
Others have been so exclusively attach'd to for- 
eign countries & foreign alliances as to sacrifice 
anything to them, & even those who claim our 
highest admiration exhibit but imperfect models 



of that excellence which ought ever to characterise 
a monarch. Even the memory of the great Elisa- 
beth is tamish'd with premeditated cruelty, hy- 
pocrasy & falsehood. My time forbids the proof 
of these assertions by the production of particular 
facts, but any person who will read the history of 
England will find that nation to have been groan- 
ing under domestic oppression, struggling with 
anarchy or exhausted by foreign wars during a 
very great part of its existence. Its court has at 
most times been the focus of corruption. The idea 
of the representation of the commons is even at 
this day little more than a pretense ; & even in the 
enlighten'd reign of George 2nd Sir Robert Wal- 
pole was heard to boast that he could purchase any 
man in the kingdom & always insure a minis- 
terial majority in the house of Commons. An 
hereditary monarchy Mr. Grenville must be sup- 
ported by an hereditary aristocracy; of course a 
nation must perpetually be in danger of receiv- 
ing veiy weak or wicked men for its princes & 
senators. 

For these reasons I am confident the people 
of our country will never voluntarily submit 
themselves to a monarchy. I have but one life 
& that I will most cheerfully sacrifice in defense 
of the present constitution & in opposition to the 
claims both of monarchists & disorganizers. I 
will never consent to see in my county a corrupt 
court driving in splendor over the necks of the 
people, nor an ambit (uous) ious demagogue 
playing the tyrant with the cap of liberty on 
his head & the olive branch in his hand. These 
Sir are the sentiments of the great body of New 



40 



England people; and their rapid extensive mi- 
grations to every part of the American empire will 
essentially contribute to their dissemination, {fu- 
ture of hatred of regularity and good order. They 
are fully persuaded that while a general diffusion 
of learning is the principal pillar of the constitu- 
tion, the maintenance of the present government 
will contribute is its promotion & dissemination.) 

Belmont 

Do you think that the poor degraded supposi- 
tious people of New England are capable of rea- 
soning thus learnedly on the nature of govern- 
ment & of devising means for its support? En- 
chain'd by the fetters of priestcraft instead of 
diffusing salutary knowledge they inculcate upon 
the minds of the rising generation sentiments 
favourable to ecclesiastical domination. The un- 
bounded influence of the clergy has almost pav'd 
the way for the introduction of popery and 
unless the spirit of vigilance is wide awake, we 
shall ere long be prostrating ourselves on the dust 
& kissing the feet of some Holy Father. 

Lawrence 

Your indiscriminate abuse of the clergy Mr. 
Belmont is indicative of a total want of candor 
and I am sorry to say of great depravity of heart. 
No class of men in society are better friends to 
the liberties of the people than the clergy of 
New England. They are the unceasing advo- 
cates of science, good order & good morals, & 
no class of men appears less infected with the de- 



41 



moralising ambition of the present day. During 
those perilous times when the stoutest hearts dis- 
pair'd of America's success the clergy nobly stood 
forward & by their tongues & pens stimulated 
their drooping countrymen to the combat, & to 
the everlasting honor of the American clergy be 
it remember'd that no class of men ever em- 
bark'd in the cause of liberty with more firmness 
and intrepidity. Since the revolution their pa- 
triotic exertions have been equally meritorious. 
But it has not been unusual for men after having 
render'd to mankind the most important services 
to meet with ingratitude ! 

Grenville 

The more invective I hear the more I wish for 
a strong government. History sacred & pro- 
fane as well as our own short experience pro- 
claim in language louder than the thunders of 
heaven, that for turbulent and licentious nations 
governments of persuasion are no better than 
scarecrows & fit only for the patriotic & en- 
lightened citizens of Utopia; & unless we soon 
adopt an energetic government I expect to see this 
country plung'd from the precipice on the brink of 
which she now totters to the depths of infamy & 
ruin. 

Belmont 

The History of the world from the most ancient 
times to the present day proves that kings are 
but friends I shall therefore consider the man 
who attempts the introduction of monarchy into 

42 



this country as a foe not only to the present gen- 
eration but of millions yet unborn. 

Grenville 

And I shall ever look upon that man who at- 
tempts to introduce into his country those demor- 
alising principles that have shaken the founda- 
tions of civil society and produced incalcuable 
misery throughout Europe as an assassin not 
only of those now on the earth but of remotest 
posterity. 

Lawrence 

Our present government is a mean between 
monarchy and democracy; it partakes of the 
evils & advantages of both. The extensive na- 
tional prosperity which has been the effect of 
its adoption loudly demands its preservation. 
Should the violent efforts of parties accomplish 
its destruction, that event would most certainly 
produce the triumph of despotism. Liberty which 
in '75 stimulated the American patriot to die for 
his country would then be recollected only as a 
fascinating dream. The aged father would go 
down to the grave with the most melancholy an- 
ticipations for the fate of his posterity. The phil- 
anthropist would drop a tear when reflecting that 
fetters & chains are the lot of man. Posterity 
weeping over the tombs of their ancestors would 
mourn the vanity of human institutions & in 
their fate perceive the transitoriness of earthly 
grandor. Republican governments would then be 
considered as "transient meteors" which excite 



43 



the admiration of the world for a few fleeting mo- 
ments & then disappear. {But gentlemen) To 
prevent their dismal consequences let us resolve 
to support our present government, & dismiss 
our theorising plans of pure democracy and lim- 
ited monarchy. In either case we should be equal- 
ly slaves. In the first to the dreadful tyranny of 
the sovereign people and in the last to the more 
regular despotism of an individual sovereign & 
a corrupt court. 

Our constitution with few exceptions is per- 
haps the best which can be devis'd for our 
country. If it continues to be administered with 
virtue firmness & dignity it will grow more solid 
with the resolution of time. As our unculti- 
vated regions become populated, an indefinite 
number of states may be form'd each depending 
in regular connection upon every other, support- 
ing & supported. We may then see a mighty 
empire circumscrib'd within the Mississippi, the 
lakes & the ocean & those great waters 
freighted with the produce of every climate. In 
short Gentlemen if we preserve the constitution 
inviolate there is no height of national greatness 
or private felicity to which we may not aspire. 
Let us then firmly adhere to it in every event & 
making Washington's valedictory address the 
guide of our political conduct transmit to poster- 
ity the invaluable treasure of a constitution ener- 
getic without tyranny & free without licentious- 
ness. 



44 




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